Sisyphus,
a king of Corinth and ancestor of Bellerophone, is, in classical
mythology, condemned to roll a huge stone uphill, though it always rolls
down again. A “Sisyphean task” demands endless and often fruitless
labour. Metaphorically, it stands for the absurdity of life and the
futility of man’s endeavours or ambition.
The Nigerian state
and her enormous sense of hubris may be cast in the mould of the
Sisyphean tragedy. The Nigerian people themselves are probably a little
dis-similar from the Bourbon character (learning nothing and forgetting
nothing.) Buoyed by their expectation of their leaders as “miracle
workers”, the people privately conceive of their country and their
governments as one of God’s unfathomable mysteries.
For
instance, a major extant task, that of reviving the economy which,
going by the way its battered state has been propagandised or rudely
expressed, may require a long time to achieve, is popularly or excitedly
expected to be rolled back into great fortunes within the shortest
possible time frame. The presumed economic philosophy and the
ideological disposition of Muhammadu Buhari and his All Progressives
Congress are taken for granted and are being banked upon as the magic
wand that will do the incredible. Many study group reports admittedly
will come in aid of the new government; they bear on fundamental
restructuring of the economy whose thrusts tend to restate the
requirement not to deploy the key policymakers of old (or of the old
school) who are professedly the architects of our long years of economic
self-abnegation. A profound understanding of our economic problems and
of the strategies for confronting them are being imputed to Buhari and
his men. The APC “Change!” mantra is also deemed a veritable Magic Flute
or a password for arousing the change fervour even as the party’s cult
of admirers is spreading throughout the land.
In this period of
unrestrained excitement, the party and its teeming members need to be
reminded of the Prof. Aboyade maxim, “If you have a narrow diagnosis of a
problem, you are bound to have a narrow and limited remedy.” Buhari
must convince himself that there is a requirement for an effective
mobilisation of ideas through wider involvement of experienced and
knowledgeable persons (not party hacks or blood relations) from
industry, the academia and the public intellectual pool (including the
civil society, etc.) There should be less government antagonism to
alternative views in the misconceived notion that all information needed
is available to government and to the party. An economic recovery
programme, properly so conceived, and based on the widest consultation
is the key for exposing the extent of our economic nadir or morass and
an open invitation to everyone who can make meaningful contribution to a
comprehensive recovery strategy.
Mr. Harold Wilson, a former
British Prime Minister, is reputed to have pin-pointed or identified “a
profound sense of history” as the single, most important attribute or
possession of an aspiring British Premier. An intuitive sense of history
is deemed an invaluable tool. Our reputation for a collective lack of a
profound sense of history in Nigeria is both a significant credit and a
damning fault line for us; it is a credit because as we cannot easily
recall what went before, we are suffused with innocent, if naïve,
confidence for the future.
Going
by history, the acuteness of today’s economic situation is foreshadowed
by a similar scenario during the first coming of Buhari between 1983
and 1985. Unemployment was accentuated by massive retrenchment in both
the public and private sectors of the economy. The poor state of the
economy produced inevitable redundancies in the private sector even as
the economy was on the verge of collapse. Great foresight and an uncanny
quality of economic skill were required to restore the economy. The
expressed purpose for which the government offered retrenchment as the
answer was to reduce the level of the wage bill of the public service so
workers’ salaries may be paid more regularly. But government action in
that regard did not produce any significant recovery in the economy.
Promotion
and recruitment into the public service were embargoed even though
promotions at the both the lower ranks and officer levels of the armed
forces invidiously continued. At a ceremony to mark the conferment of
new badges of rank on 15 Brigadiers who were promoted to the rank of
Major General, Buhari described the promotion of the senior military
officers as “really overdue” even as he called on all Nigerians to “make
sacrifices” (a now familiar refrain!] part of which translated into a
series of reduction in the fringe benefits of public servants including a
100 per cent hike in the rent payable by senior civil servants for
government residences or quarters. In the context of a military
administration, this can be explained as a way of ensuring that possible
centres of discontent or insurgency within the armed forces are
appeased or assuaged.
Even though Buhari is reputed to enjoy a
good public image or profile regarding incorruptibility and has assured
the nation during his campaigns that corrupt officials and their agents
will be brought to book, he must not allow public discontent to be
expressed concerning a perceived favouritism or un-even handedness as
may be possible with respect to dealing with many of his political
associates who are believed to be reeking in stupendous ill-gotten
wealth amassed during their tenures in office. The recovery of public
property stolen by public officials must be wide-ranging to include huge
sums of money in foreign exchange illegally held abroad, etc. For the
incoming leadership to inspire confidence and following, it must itself
be seen to be composed of people of transparent honesty. It must also be
seen to act honestly in such a way as to inspire public confidence. The
root of the decay of the Nigerian body politic include double (or
multiple?) standards of public morality or behaviour, differing rules or
laws for different classes of people, etc. The sincerity of purpose of
policy and action must not be allowed to be put to the test for it may
cause untold dismay among an already enthusiastic people that have
mobilised themselves or enlisted in the new or envisaged ethical
framework. Policy issues must not be handled in a manner that may
subvert public confidence or bring “open government” or “public
accountability” to public ridicule or odium.
Open or even covert
breaches of the policy objectives of government will invariably attract
open public defiance, quiet rage, opprobrium seething frustration, etc.
The controversial 53 suitcases which passed through “the eye of the
needle” in the throes of the WAI campaign on April 27, 1984 is a case in
point or is a festering sore point. The war to replace indiscipline in
leadership with discipline, responsibility and accountability is
Herculean. But it can be made easy by an attitude of leadership be
example.
So much is expected from the Buhari Presidency.
Joyfully, the “Sisyphean task” in the assignment is made less irksome by
a general sense of revulsion at the excesses of a marauding,
buccaneering political ruling class, the plaintive pleas of a distraught
people, and the proverbial Spartan will on the part of the new helmsman
to surmount the odds.
- Alade Rotimi-John is a lawyer and commentator on public affairs, based in Abuja
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