Any
unbiased reader of Rev. Chris Okotie’s recent commentary on Pastor Ayo
Oritsejafor’s alleged link with the $9.3 million arms deal scandal could
observe that he had nothing personal against the Christian Association
of Nigeria President.
To
me, Okotie merely spoke truth to power, like many concerned individuals
are wont to do on issues of national interest. Simply put, Oritsejafor
should save the Christian Association of Nigeria’s image, and by
extension, Christians in Nigeria, from being dragged further into
disrepute by his open flirtations with politicians. Apparently, what
rattled CAN authorities the more was the messenger and not really the
message.
Instructively, when a one-time
President of CAN, Anthony Cardinal Okogie, said, “Oritsejafor has fallen
from grace to grass… the leadership of CAN is zero”, the organistion
did not attack him. When Rev. Matthew Kukah likened the
Jonathan-Oritsejafor relationship to fellowship with Caesar, there was
no indignation, but when Okotie ventilated his own opinion, it provoked a
diatribe from CAN.
Rather than address the issue which Okotie
raised, Oritsejafor’s CAN chose to use this chance to launch a personal
vendetta against the former. This is highly unfortunate, and a cheap
blackmail by a group of people using an ecclesiastical umbrella to
pursue an obviously personal agenda.
It is indeed ludicrous that
CAN could resort to name-calling on a national issue which affects the
integrity of its President. The authenticity of Okotie’s Christianity as
questioned by the body, the charges of his domestic affairs and his
need for popularity are totally unconnected with the issue, especially
the expediency of the advice which was given to redeem the battered
image of Oritsejeafor-led CAN.
The scandalous aspersion of CAN
against Okotie is outrageous, especially seeing the way government is
going about trying to exonerate Oritsejeafor from any complicity in the
matter. If he hadn’t embraced chumminess with the powers that be; if he
hadn’t gone to great lengths to ride on his kinsmanship with the
President, then the reported use of his plane would not have raised
eyebrows and become his albatross, casting him in a bad light.
There
are too many twists and turns in this soggy affair, and it is clear
that when government goes out of its way to defend anybody, then there
is something lurking in the shadows. The shroud of political secrecy
that enveloped the Oritsejafor affair is more than meets the eye – there
is no smoke without fire, and the smoke here is really thick.
Contrary
to claims that this is a normal transaction, purchasing arms on the
black market from mercenaries who probably supply insurgents, militants
and drug cartels is illegal and is not exactly an easy affair; it’s not
like buying fish at the market. Ferrying undeclared money is illegal. Is
government hereby endorsing this trend? Besides, who are these people
who were contracted to purchase arms on the black market? Since when
have they been doing this? Who have they secured arms for? Who
introduced them? Are they licensed to deal in arms in Nigeria? What if
they had absconded with the cash? What if the aircraft had mysteriously
gone missing or crashed? How did the money get out of Nigeria without
being declared? How come they did not make necessary provisions to meet
South Africa’s customs requirements if this is a normal affair? Many
unanswered questions.
Government and CAN’s defence rests on the
claim that Oritsejeafor contracted out his plane, and is not involved in
its day-to-day running. But will the operators of the aircraft, without
his prior knowledge, decide to engage in this act of ferrying money
illegally for purchase of arms, against a string of financial, aviation,
customs and immigration laws, with an aircraft registered to engage in
evangelical work, without the consent of the owner, knowing full well
that not only can the plane be impounded and lose its licence, but could
also tarnish the image of the owner?
And how come after this
unfortunate incident, they are still operating the aircraft? Any right
thinking businessman would see the clear and present danger in allowing
this, as they may well lease it out for more sinister purposes. The
probability that the weight of evidence and questionable discrepancies
in this untidy affair do not point at the possibilities of a consenting
involvement is almost non-existent. So, defensive arguments in favour of
the aircraft owner being ignorant of the deal is like an argument that
he might not be aware of CAN’s response to Okotie.
In
jurisprudence, a shadow of doubt can affect a case. Here, there are
simply too many which cannot be wished away. Government cannot be
trusted to exonerate Oritsejafor; it is party to the questionable deal
gone awry. CAN on its part lacks the capacity and investigative acumen
to conduct an un-jaundiced and forensic analysis of the details of the
case.
This blight is self-inflicted as Oritsejeafor did not think
deeply on the consequences of his public relationship with President
Jonathan, and how it can be easily misconstrued. All he saw was the
opportunity to take advantage of the presence of a kinsman at the helm,
under the guise that he was being hamstrung by northern and Muslim
fundamentalists seeking to frustrate his government.
Jonathan
will not always be President, and someday, a Pharaoh that does not
recognise the current leadership of CAN will come along. What happens
then?
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