The
discourse reflected our latest challenges. We shall send the relevant
aspects of your recommendations to the Council of State and the National
Assembly for incorporation into the Constitution of the Federal
Republic of Nigeria. On our part , we shall act on those aspects
required of us in the Executive.”
President Goodluck
Jonathan made the above remark while receiving the report of the
National Conference from a former Chief Justice of Nigeria, Justice
Idris Kutigi, on Thursday, August 21, 2014.
From
October 1, 2013 when Jonathan announced to the nation his intent to set
up a national confab to the inauguration of the Senator Femi
Okunrounmu-led National Advisory Committee to the March 17 inauguration
ceremony of the 494 “wise men and women” down to August 21, 2014, when
the conference wound down, one of the most trending news were snippets
from the conference. For the delegates, it was a tortuous journey. There
were disagreements, stalemates, suspicions, resolutions and
statesmanship on display. One of the early controversies that beset the
conference was the issue of legality or otherwise of the conference. A
school of thought, particularly among the lawyers, said that the
conference needed legal backing for its decisions to be binding. I
recall Dr. Tunji Abayomi was in court over this. Others believed that
since there was no legal backing for the conference, the redeeming
factor would be to subject its outcome to a referendum to be conducted
by the Independent National Electoral Commission.
From the
opening statement of this piece, Jonathan is not treading that path as
he has said that he would send the outcome of the dialogue to the
National Assembly and the Council of State.
Another controversy
that fraught the confab was over the voting formula. Decisions were to
be reached by consensus or 75 per cent as recommended by the President
during his inauguration speech. However, some delegates believed many
good proposals would be killed if this voting method was adopted as it
would be difficult to muster such high number of delegates around
contentious issues. After a lot of negotiations, particularly with the
“50 wise men” among the conferees, it was agreed that 70 per cent would
be the threshold for the adoption of any proposal.
There was
also the mutual suspicion between the northern and southern delegates.
There were allegations of a “draft constitution” which the northern
delegates believed was beyond the scope of work of the committee and an
attempt to give President Jonathan a third term in office. Even when
that was resolved by a change of name given the “draft amendment bill”,
the conference could not resolve the issues of derivation and sharing
formula among the three tiers of government.
Really,
congratulations are in order to the 494 delegates and six conference
officials for navigating the landmines to come up with laudable
recommendations even though I do not agree with some of them. The most
poignant of which is the proposal for the creation of additional 18
states in Nigeria to bring the number of states from the present 36 to
54. For goodness’ sake, how could the delegates believe that the
solution to Nigeria’s problems lies in further balkanisation of the
country when in actual fact many of the existing states are ailing and
are over dependent on the Federal Government for survival?
While
submitting the 10,335-page report, Kutigi said that all issues were
arrived at by consensus. The ex-CJN said the work of the conference
remained the most tasking in the history of national conference in the
country. He was quoted as saying, “The 1978 Constituent Assembly had a
membership of 230 people and met for nine months. The 1995 National
Constitutional Conference had a membership of 371 people and met for 12
months. The 2005 National Political Reform Conference was made up of 400
delegates and met for five months. We are 494 in membership and you
made us do all this work in four and half months.” The conference
chairman added that the conference approved over 600 resolutions, some
dealing with issues of law, policy and amendment to the 1999
Constitution.
In all sincerity, I am not excited with the
outcome of the conference. I have previously commented on the conference
and stated that it was a right thing being done at the wrong time, I
still maintain that.
While the conference was going on, the
National Assembly was marching ahead with its constitutional and
Electoral Act 2011 amendments. Both houses have passed different
versions and have set up a conference committee to harmonise their two
differing positions. Now, comes the National Conference report making
recommendations for constitutional amendment or writing of a new
constitution. I ask, is that forward or backward movement? Will that not
make all the resources spent on constitutional amendment since 2012 or
thereabout to go to waste? How sure are we that many of the bills
proposed by the National Conference will be passed by the National
Assembly? If what happens to the much celebrated 2008 Justice Uwais
Electoral Reform Committee report is anything to go by, I am not
optimistic that the present crop of federal lawmakers will do justice to
the National Conference report when it gets to them.
Secondly,
we know the snail pace at which government works. A White Paper
committee may soon be inaugurated to distil the over 10,335-page report
and come up with recommendations on which of the over 600 proposals to
take. I can assure the reading public that we would be lucky to have the
White Paper committee report in the next six months to one year. It
took government White Paper committee more than two years to come up
with its report on the Oronsaye committee on merger and acquisition of
government Ministries Department and Agencies proposals. Should
government want to fasttrack the implementation of the Kutigi conference
report before the end of the year, it will likely impact negatively on
the planning for the next general elections which are slated by the
Independent National Electoral Commission for February 14 and 28, 2015.
The point being made is that the conference could have been held after
the inauguration of the winners of the next general elections in
May/June 2015. That would have been tidier, neater and cost-effective as
the new administration will see through the implementation during the
lifespan of its regime. What President Jonathan can do and should do in
the immediate period is to start the implementation of the policy
recommendations while leaving the issue of constitutional amendment, new
constitution or referendum on the report till after the next general
elections.
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