As
the days of Nigeria’s rescheduled elections approach, tension continues
to pervade the polity. Vitriol pours into the air from partisan
political actors and everyday even greater quantities of propaganda are
released. This ranges from death threats on a presidential candidate to
rumours that members of the opposition party will be implicated if the
Boko Haram kingpin, Abubakar Shekau, is captured.
Press
conference after press conference take place, held by both the ruling
and opposition parties to spew propaganda or paint dire scenarios
waiting to unfold. Rather than limiting the vitriol to the country, the
political gladiators are shifting their focus abroad, such as at the
recently held Chatham House event in London, where the opposition All
Progressives Congress’ presidential candidate, Muhammadu Buhari,
delivered a lecture. Protests were held there both in support and
against both the two major political parties.
What
is becoming obvious is that the six-week delay has heightened the
stakes in what was already a tense contest – rather than engaging in
issue-based campaigns, emphasis is being laid on propaganda.
First,
the Permanent Voter Cards, the incomplete distribution of which was a
key reason given for postponing the elections, are turning into an
albatross hanging around the neck of the Independent National Electoral
Commission. It was alleged, several weeks ago, that millions of
Nigerians had not collected their PVCs and would, consequently, find
themselves unable to vote on election days. But the latest thinking on
this is that is the PVCs and the resultant use of card readers
constitute a form of electronic voting, which Section 52 of the
Electoral Act 2010 states is “for the time being prohibited”. Protests
are now being organised both for and against INEC’s decision to use the
PVCs and card readers during the elections anyway – legal cases have
been instituted in courts calling for the non-usage of the PVCs.
The
use of the military in the forthcoming elections is also another
scenario waiting to unfold. There are presently two court judgments
precluding the use of Nigerian Armed Forces in the security and
supervision of the elections until an enabling act of the National
Assembly is passed. The opposition All Progressives Congress has already
written a letter to INEC and other relevant stakeholders requesting
that the aforementioned court orders should be strictly adhered to. Will
these judgments be adhered to? And, if not, what implications will this
have on the electoral process?
Many Nigerians are already upset
that the elections were rescheduled at the behest of the military. The
high level of militarisation witnessed during the Ekiti and Osun
governorship elections was controversial and the newly-released audio
#Ekitigate of how the military was used to the advantage of the ruling
party puts the supposed impartiality of the of the security agencies in
doubt. Some have argued that a new and increased role has been added to
the military, in particular, and other security agencies by the ruling
party. The real fear is not in the use, but rather in the misuse, of the
security agencies in these elections, particularly in light of outright
partisanship displayed by some of their members.
On the ongoing
judicial war, there are presently over 10 cases instituted in various
courts in the country, ranging from suits to disqualify the opposition
party’s presidential candidate on the grounds that he was not able to
produce a certificate of high school graduation, to the eligibility of
the president and the PDP presidential candidate, Goodluck Jonathan.
Nor
is INEC excluded – it is being sued over the decision to use PVCs and
card readers to boost the credibility of the elections. The judiciary is
being accorded an inglorious role in determining matters bordering on
pure politics and mostly initiated in bad faith. In a country where
rumour cannot be dismissed with a wave of hand, news is circulating that
most of these instituted suits are being assigned to just one judge.
Former
president Olusegun Obasanjo added to the theatrics with his
renunciation of his membership of the PDP and public tearing up of his
membership card by his ward chairman. According to the former president,
there is a plan to install an interim government in place come May 29
instead of an elected president. While the ruling party has debunked
this claim, the rumour or threat of an interim government has refused to
fade away.
The events currently unfolding are reminiscent of
the aborted June 12, 1993 presidential election. Who knows, maybe the
master-stroke once again will be a court judgment stopping elections
from being held, for one reason or the other, or the disqualification of
a candidate. Scenarios, such as the chairman of INEC being removed or
forced to resign, escalation of the insurgency in the North East and
further rescheduling of the elections, invoking sections of the
constitution that Nigeria is in a state of war, are real but may not be
palatable in the long run. Who in the international community will kick
against the judgment of a court of competent jurisdiction?
As it
becomes increasingly difficult to define the master narrative in
Nigeria’s political process the fact remains that it is Nigerians that
must fight for Nigeria.
- Ms. Hassan is the Director of Centre for Democracy and Development, Abuja
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