News
broke last week that the Nigerian government this month signed a $1.2m
contract with an American public relations and communications firm,
Levick, to influence the “international and local media narrative”
surrounding the government’s handling of the case of the abducted girls
of Chibok.
It
does finally seem that the government is now scrambling to put out the
raging fires that have been consuming its international reputation since
the middle of April. Levick has since started work, and it makes sense
to believe that the Goodluck Jonathan op-ed that appeared in the
Washington Post at the weekend is early evidence of the impact of its
engagement.
Congratulations and best wishes to Levick, merely
the latest in a long line of Western image consultants that Nigerian
governments have been known to routinely engage for miracle-working
purposes.
What follows is some free advice to the Nigerian
government (and perhaps, Levick, as well) regarding the matter of
Nigeria’s international “image” and “narrative.”
Let’s
kick off at the most important point, the top. The head of the fish,
where, as the Chinese would like us to believe, the fish starts to rot.
A
country’s leader is one of its biggest advertisements. You can’t have a
President who comes across as unremarkable and expect to convincingly
sell your country to the world as a remarkable one. Even more than
Nigeria, Jonathan needs a rewritten narrative. This has to start with
his comportment in front of international audiences – media, investors,
business executives. His handlers need to reinvent him in this regard.
I
recently attended a series of events at which the President was a
special guest (in front of audiences of business executives and the
media), and, I would be lying if I said his performance wasn’t a
near-disaster. I spent most of my time cringing. He kept saying really
embarrassing things like: “I’m here to listen to the experts”; “You
people are the experts”; “I’m a politician, you people are the
professionals.” If those were attempts at self-deprecation, they failed
woefully, conveying instead a strong perception of cluelessness.
One
other unsatisfying habit of the President that I’ve noticed is the one
in which he unsubtly deflects responsibility for all of Nigeria’s
problems to the international community. Ask him about anything:
terrorism, oil theft, light weapons, climate change, and the answer is
guaranteed to be the same: “Nigeria is not the only country suffering,
it is an international phenomenon that affects everyone; we are calling
on the international community to assist us.”
No doubt, there is
a place for that sort of argument, but no serious leader should make
that a signature line. Whoever coached the President to resort to that
weak and disingenuous line should own up now, and apologise to
Nigerians.
I’m not saying the President has to be a Barack
Obama, or suddenly be forced to develop an eloquence or charisma beyond
his capacity. No. I realise that there are not many people in the world
born to mesmerise audiences and TV cameras. Most of us will never be at
our best in public performances. But the least one would expect from the
President of Nigeria would be a clear grasp of important issues
affecting the country, in a way that produces insight; as well as a
quickness with illuminating statistics and data. Nigerians and the world
demand more of their President than the “America will know” and
“Dangote told me” logic.
I have observed that save for a handful
of exceptions, Nigerian government officials generally share one
remarkable quality: the ability to speak at length without saying
anything remotely insightful or interesting. I’ve seen this happen again
and again, and it’s occurred to me that a government that is interested
in maintaining or securing a good international image should do a
better job in this regard.
There is also the small matter of the
Internet. I often like to argue that pre-Internet presidents had it
much easier trying to control narratives and dissemination of content.
Now, things have changed, and the Internet has turned many citizens into
fairly powerful purveyors of opinion. By sheer force of will, ordinary
Nigerians armed with mobile phones and immobile frustrations are able to
powerfully (and in a manner approximating reality) shape their
country’s international narratives in a way no media or PR behemoth
could possibly hope to counter.
Meanwhile, our government is
still busy working according to old scripts, hiring PR consultants whose
efforts are either not needed, or doomed, from the beginning, to end in
failure; or paying armies of nothing-to-lose youth to engage in daft,
faceless propaganda and trolling on the Internet.
I found it
puzzling when I heard that the Nigerian government once engaged a
consultant to help arrange interviews for the President with
international news media like the Cable News Network. I don’t care much
for any argument that suggests that’s how it’s done in other countries.
It does seem to me that Nigeria is not the sort of country that should
be struggling to have its President appear on any international news
medium worthy of attention. The CNN and the rest should be the ones
angling for Nigerian presidential attention, not the other way round. An
email from a Nigerian presidential aide who understands the worth of
his country should be enough to get an exclusive interview for his boss
anywhere in the world. Anything else would be demeaning; suggesting that
our fate is in the hands of an unserious government.
To prove
itself serious that government urgently needs to demonstrate that it
understands the fundamental rule of image management: That actions speak
loudest. That you may write a million New York Times articles declaring
how pained you are by the fate of the missing girls, but what will
really count is what people see when they look at your actions. And what
do they see? A First Lady who accuses defenceless citizens of trying to
embarrass her husband by making noise about missing girls. A President
who didn’t think it made sense to speak to his country on the matter
until weeks after the incident, and who openly regards every critic –
regardless of the issue: fuel subsidy or abducted girls or
whistleblowing about oil revenues – as a mischief maker sponsored by an
opposition party.
In closing, let me make it clear that I have
nothing against consultants; I am myself often one. I understand the
roles of consultants in bringing outside expertise to make a difference;
it’s a standard management template deployed widely across business and
government spheres. But things need to be sensibly done. Consultants
should generally be depended upon to work with and support ‘management’
to bring improvements to organisational processes, not to fill yawning
gaps arising from a deliberate and persistent abdication of duty by
management.
One seriously hopes these American narrative-shapers
have some understanding of Nigeria beyond Wikipaedia and government
messaging. One also takes it for granted that they know that the people
who actually have the power to shape the Nigerian narrative are the ones
who employed them. One American publication quotes a Levick topshot as
saying that, “there’s got to be a way to amplify what President Jonathan
is saying and doing to find these girls because over here in America,
we’re not hearing much about his effort.”
I wonder how willing
the consultant might be to concede to this argument: that perhaps the
world is not hearing much about any efforts to rescue the girls because
there are really no serious efforts going on.
But knowing a bit
about the world of high stakes consulting, such a reason would be too
banal, and insufficiently ‘best-practice’; and any explanations that
cannot be rendered as a 300-page chart-studded PowerPoint presentations
would not be worth considering.

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